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FOR GEATUITOUB DISTEIBU 
surf joai'iD .jk; V^LUd^:^; Asr costjeij^^u.tion. 



OBJECT OF THE ADMINISTRATION 



IN 



PROSECUTING THE WAR. 



BY BRY^jST TYSON, 



LATE OF NORTH CAROLINA. 



Approved by the National !Deniocratic Besident Executive Cocimittes 




VvASniNGTO 

PRINTED AND SiTIREOTYPED BY McGILL <fe WITHEROW: 
18G4. 



CIECULAE. 






My main objfct in eerciins Torth this circular is, that I 
may put invsclf right l>efore tlie puhlic, iiinsniuch as my 
name is now being used to give aid in a cauBe which I do 
not dcsii'c. 

In a paiiiphlot of eight pa^es now being published and 
circul.itu'l l;y the Union (so-cailed) Congrofsional Commit- 
tee, entitled "A Krief History of the Cruelties and Atroci- 
ties of the Rebellion," by Thomas L. Wilson, Esq., appears 
the following : 

•'Immediate efforts bo made for %. oesaatloa of hwUntics.** 

"After the battle of Gettysburg, the Unionists nf North 
Carolina began to speak more freely, and revol t was feared ; 
in coiie-efiiioncc, a regiment of soldiers was scut to Ran- 
dolph county to preserve order. The kind of order that 
wan preserved may bo known by the following atrocity, 
one of niany cohimitted upon the unprotected loyalists of 
that region : These Bcldicrs decoyed a ono-armod man uiidcr 
pretcncft of employing him as a guide, into a piece of wood- 
land, wlicro his body was found several days after, com- 
pletely riddled with bullets; he was heard a long distance 
bogging an<l imploring for his life; from the marks of blood 
and fool-prints, it was believed that he was compelled to 
run round his tormentors, they shooting at him as htj ran 
to see how many times they hit and not kill him.'"— ^lu- 
thcrity, Bryan Tyson, Esq., author of ''Ray of Liriht." 

A few explanatory re'marks relative to "the above is 
deemed indispensably necessary. 

For tho last twelve months, Mr. Wilson has been very 
busily encaged in compiling isolated Cases, tho puqjort of 
which th(! lillo pageof hia pamphlet, together with tho use 
which is now being made of tho same, will show. I 
Iiaving related tho above incident to Mr. Wilson, lie insisted 
on my writing it out for his book. I at first refused, tell- 
ing him that he was giving a one-sidi!d view, and that he 
ought to put in something from tho other side, in order to 
give tho matter a fair showing. For this purpose, when re- 
quested to write it, I would frerjucntly relate an oiitrago 
committed by certain Federals on two" females in the oast- 
nrn part of North Carolina and jokingly request him to 
iesert that also. I, however, at length wrote it <;ut, never 
expecting to see it in print. So yon may judOT my sur- 
prise when I found that it was in the hands of the so-called 
Union Congressional Committee, a portion thereof having 
already gone to press. This was Saturday evening the 9th 
inst. Monday morning early I went to tho printing office 
for the purpose of having my name erased. Mr. .ludd, the 
foreman, not having yet come in, I loft a note for him re- 
questing him to erase my name. I soon afterwards re- 
turned and ha<l a personal interview with him. 

CERTIFICATE OF MR. JUDD. 

This is to certify that on Monday the 12th inst., Bryan 

Tyson, Esq., visited the printing office of Messrs McGiil k 



Witherow, of which 1 am foreman, and requested that his 
name should be erased from an articlo in a pamphlet enti- 
tled -'A Brief History of the Cruelties and Atrocities of the 
Rebellion," by Thomas L. Wilson, Esq., stating certain 
reasons why he wished it done. I told him tliat it was 
too late; that the pamphlet was going to press; and if 
there was anything wrong about it the parties concerned 
must decide it; that our business was to print what was 
brought us. 
September 21, 186i. JOHN G. JUDD. 

I will now make a few remarks relative to tho import of 
said article. Alter I wrote it Mr. Wilson subsequently re- 
coi)iod it. nn 1 then read it to mo. After reading, I re- 
marked that he had changed it from tho original. He replied 
that ''ho wished to make it as strong as possible." Tho 
principal or only change is in tho clause, '• where his body 
was found, several days after, completely riddled with 
bullets." The original read, '■ where his body w.as found, 
three or four days afterwards, having, from appearances, 
received some si.x or seven pistol shots." 

I will remark here that I know personally nothing of this 
matter, it having occurred since 1 left North Carolina, but it 
having been communicated to mo by a refugee, a person of 
truth, I rely upon his sta'cments as being in tho maiu cer- 
rect, notwithstanding he does not appear to have derived 
any of his knowledge from pergonal observation. Not 
ppeakingfrom personal ob3ervation,(thci\gh residing within 
a lew miles from the place where this outrage is said to havo 
been perpetrated,) some of his statements arc vaguo. It 
will bo recollected that it must have been warm weather at 
that time. It is therefore to be presumed that three or four 
days after the occurrence it must have been impossible to 
tell how many shots deceased had received. Ho therefore 
does not say jiositively that ho had even received six or sev- . 
cu shots, but only from "appearances." The probability of 
si.x or seven is magnified into '• completely riddled," and bo 
tho matter goes. 

Again, as my friend very probably was not acquainted 
with all the incidents bearing on this subject, it might pos- 
sibly present a very different feature when thoroughly un- 
derstood. Under these circumstances I certainly cannot 
vouch for the truth of any of the statements in said article. 
In conclusion, I will remark that tho kindest relations 
existing between Mr. Wilson and myself. I feel some reluc- 
tance in making the foregoing statement, but being thor- 
oughly devoted to the best interests of all sections of my 
country, and believing that articles such as tho foregoing 
will have a bad rather than good effect, I do so with a fer- 
vent desire of being of benefit to the peoplo of all sccticuei 
of tho country. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant. 

BRYAN TYSON. 
September 22, 1861. 



In order that my views relative to slavery may not be misconstrued, I have deemed it expedient to make a few 
remarks in addition to those contained in tho following pages; these will embrace a brief sketch of personal history. 

Some years ago I had a claim in an estate in North Carolina that was being wound up. As is frequently done in 
such cases at the J-outh, the servants belonging to this estate were sold for a division. 1 being by no means prepos- 
Bossed in favor of slavery, resolved that I would receive none of the money accruing from the sale of these ser\-uuts. 
I, therefore, either had to lose or purchase to the amount of my claim. I resolved to do tho latter, notwithstand- 
ing I already owned as many of these people as I cured to bo bothered with, and bid off a sprightlj' boy at a price that 
about satisfied my claim. More than twice the amount in money has hlnce been olTcred forliim, but as I havo resolved 
nover to carry in my pocket a dollar arising from the sale of a human being, ten times the amount would havo been no 
tt'mptation. The remaining servants wore bought in by the hoirs, and generally at exorbitant iviecs, to prevent them 
from falling into tho hands of tradera. 

Before leaving North Carolina, I told the gentleman in whoso charge I left my servants, that if the Federal army 
came n"ar him, and my servants should desire to leave, to let them go. But from the manner in which I havo trcatt d 
them, I shall be deceived if ,^hcy leave voluntarily. I am for consulting exclusively tho interests of servants in thfs 
matter, and am for freeing'them, or not, according as their interests require. 



SLAVERY RELtoOtJSLY AND MORALLY CONSIDERED, WITH PLAN FOR ADJUSTMENT. By BRYAN 

TYSON. Price one doljar, proceeds applied in circulating public documents. 

t "OBJECT OF THE TBMINliSTRATION IN i^ROSKCUTINQ THE WAR." 53.00 per hundred. 

Orders for either should be addressed to 

CHARLES n. ANDERSON, 

468 Ith Street, Woihin.jtm, D. C. 



OBJECT OF THE ADMINISTRATION IN PROSECUTING 



THE WAR. 



Before entering upon a discussion of this very 
important subject, it may not be amiss for me, 
bfinc a Southern man, to offer an apology for 
me-ldling iu the politics of the day. Were the 
interests of the Northern people alone evolved 
in the issue of the coming campaign, I should 
certainly not feel excusable in doing this, but 
inesmuch as the principles involved extend to 
the people of the most remote Southern btates, 
and are also of vital importance to them, I not 
only consider it mv privilege, but actually my 
duty, to express my sentiments freely on this 
most important occasion. 

In the tirst place I will remark that I have 
not come here with two sets of sentiments ; one 
for the North, the other for the South. I there- 
fore expect to«|hdvance the same sentiments 
here that I did there, even the same for which 
I was arrested and imprisoned, they being my 
honest convictions 

I will also state that 1 am not allied nor pledged 
to the principles of any party, but advocate ex- 
-lusively such measures as I honestly and con- 
scientiously believe to be best for the people of 
ill sections of the country. But if, in doing 
'his I should advance any sentiments not lu 
iccordance with those of my Republican cr 
Democratic brethren, they will please pardon 
me for so doing when I inform them that it is a 
conscientious belief that I am in the discharge 
Df my duty, that prompts me so to speak. Hav- 
ing been very kindly treated by my Republican 
md Democratic brethren since I came North, 
and especially by the former, I certainly enter- 
tain the kindest of feelings for them, and desire 
to give nothing but good will in return. It 
will therefore be my desire, in the following 
remarks, to conciliate and draw together, rath- 
er than irritate and alienate ; but in doing this 
( shall at many places be constrained to speak 
plainly. Wit a these prefatory remarks 1 will 
now move on to the subject. 

The time has been when the Administration 
8Lt Washington gave to their actions the sem- 
Llaace of prosecuting the war solely for the 



purpose of restoring the Union upon a strictly 
constitutional basis ; but that time has passed. 
They have now thrown off the mask sufBcient- 
ly for it to appear evident to all that they ara 
prosecuting the war for the purpose of freeing 
the negroes rather than restoring the Union. A 
certain matter transpired last fall that confirmed 
me in this belief, which I will here relate : 

At the surprise at Bristow Station, a number 
of North Carolinians were captured and sent to 
the Old Capitol in this city. Among them were 
several whom I knew, some of them having 
formerly been my schoolmates in North Caro- 
lina. Knowing the circumstances under which 
many of these persons were forced into the 
army, I believed that by extending proper fa- 
cilities a large proportion of them might be 
induced to forsake the Southern cause. I there- 
fore applied to a Republican friend to assist me 
in getting a permit from the Secretary of War 
to visit "these prisoners, without the usual 
restraint. He appeared a little dull about 
granting my request, but I finally urged the 
matter with such importunity, that he came 
out and divulged the following, which caused 
me to see plainly the real designs of the Ad- 
ministration, which was as follows: 

A short time previous to this, one Mr. Don- 
ncU, of North Carolina, wrote an article 
strongly condemning the secessionists, which 
was published in the North Carolina Standard. 
A copy of this was sent my friend, by flag of 
truce, I believe. He was the first to have it 
copied into a Northern paper. It was after- 
wards copied into a great many others. Soon 
after this, official business demanded an inter- 
i view between him and a distinguished member 
I of the Cabinet. Before parting my friend com- 
plimented him on the prospect of a union sen- 
timent springing up in North Carolina, men- 
tioning the aforesaid letter. Strange as it may 
seem, this distinguished person remarked that 
he did not want any compromise; and one word 
brought on another, until they finally parted ia 



anger. 



The 'de!t o" a man becoming sngry because 
there w'.as a piospeet of the Southern people 
reurning; to ibeir reason, and thus staying the 
further cffuseiou of blood, must be revolting to 
the feelings of any Christian, humane man. I 
could tiicn, and not till then, begin to compre- 
hend the intensity of this Abolition sentiment. 
I readi!}' came to the conclusion that they had 
rather kill than reclaim a rebel, even at a loss 
of man for man, and that therefore it would be 
useless for me to present a petition with the 
aforesaid object in view. I however concluded 
to try it, and if it failed I would lay it up as 
evidence against the Republican party. I 
accordingly got a petition to that effect, signed 
by prominent Republicans and Democrats, and 
presented it to the Secretary of War, j\Jr. Stan- 
ton. He read it over hastily, took up his pen 
and dashed across the same, " not granted," 
just as I expected. I now have tliis document 
filed among my papers. 

From the foregoing and kindred circum- 
stance?, I was led to believe that the President's 
emancipation proclamation was issued on pur- 
pose to keep the Southern people from making 
overtures to return to the Union, and thus aiFord 
a fit opportunity for a blow to be stricken at 
''^the "peculiar institution." Whether or not 
'this was the design, it was evidently the effect ; 
for we are all well enough acquainted with 
human nature to know that man is not disposed 
to do under a threat what he would otherwise 
voluntarily do. We also know that the Presi- 
dent had the issuing of that proclamation in 
contemplation for several months prior to the 
time of its promulgation. He accordingly wrote 
it, convened his Cabinet, and read it to them. 
The Postmaster-General, Mr. Blair, exclaimed : 
Mr. President, if )'ou issue that proclamation, 
you will lose all the fall elections! But Mr. 
Seward approved of the policy of issuing it, but 
not at that time, suggesting that it be withheld 
until after a Federal victory, lest it be construed 
as the death struggle of the nation. His sug- 
gestion was adopted, and it was accordingly 
withheld until after the victory at Autietam, 
when it was issued. Now, the Administration' 
party claim that military necessity demanded 
the issuing of that proclamation; but if so, why 
did they wait for a Federal victory? If it was 
politic as a war measure, and military necessity 
demanded it, why was it not issued at once, and 
let it have helped achieve a'victory? No, my 
friends, I think in this the Administration was 
.sadly mistaken, and that instead of one victory 
being sufficient (0 prop up this very impolitic 
measure, it would have required at least two 
or three. 

Soon after the victory at Antietam (before 
the news reached us that the emancipation pro- 
clamation had been issued) the Confederacy was 
being shaken from centre to foundation. Had 
.the war b?en pushed forward upon a strictly 
^constitutional basis, with the olive branch of 
■peace in one hand, the sword in the other, 1 
verily believe that in less than tliree month.? 
the Southern people would have struck for a 



settlement of our difScultirs. But after having 
them completely hemmed in, they were let oat 
by Uie issuing of this most mischievous procla- 
mation. 

If those persons who advocate that milit.ary 
necessity demanded tlie issuing of that procla- 
mation, had been South ad seen its tvil effects 
in mas.-^ing the pfopl? agiinst the Federal Gov- 
ernment, as well as the great encouragnn)cnt a 
consequent division in the Northern ranks gave 
them, through a prospect for future revolution 
among themselves, as I have, not another word 
could they speak in behalf thereof. 

Again: The removal of General McClellan, 
a Democrat, at a time when he was victorious, 
goes to prove that the Administration was mak- 
ing preparations for the adoption of this radical 
emancipation policy, which has since been such 
a characteristic feature in the administration 
of the Government. 

The removal of General Buell, another Dem- 
ocrat, at a time that he was victorious, goes to 
prove the same. 

The refusal of the President to permit the 
Louisiana delegation to set at nought the ordi- 
nance of secession and return to the Union upon 
a strictly constitutional basis, is but another 
proo^. 

The refusal of the President to permit A. H. 
Stephens, Vice President of the Confederacy, 
to visit Washington city upon a mission of 
peace, (as is proven by the late correspond- 
ence between Governor Vance and Jeff. Davis,) 
another. 

So, they will neither propose nor receive 
terms relating to peace, preferring, it seems, to 
sacriGce their fellow-men by hundreds and 
thousands for the fanatical idea of emancipation 
rather than endingour difSculties by compromise. 
In 1832 the diminutive affair o^?'South Carolina 
was ariTinged by compromise, but now, when 
some twelve or fourteen States are arrayed 
against the General Government, it cannot be 
done, not even on a constitutional basis. Don't 
understand me as desiring to give the rebels 
terms dishonorable to the General Government. 
I am for compelling them to obey the established 
laws of the land, and if this cannot be done 
without bloodshed, it must be done with blood- 
shed. 

I am credibly informed by some refugees from 
the South that soon after the battle at Gettys- 
burgh, nearly all the people of North Carolina 
became Unionists. They had held Union meet- 
ings in nearly every county in the State, and 
all was progressing finely. But at this juncture 
what did the Admini tration do to fc^.ter and 
increase that sentiment? Why, appoint General 
Butler, a man that is probably hated more in- 
tensely at the South than any other Northern 
man, to the department of Virginia and North 
Carolina. I knew at the time that it would 
have a b.ad effect upon the Union cause in that 
State, and so it has, for we have not heard of 
any great Union demonstration being made 
there since. This was very probably the design 
of !.he Administration, for, it seems they prefer 



to provoke, rather than invite to a settlement 
bv"(?ontiliatoi7 measures. 

They have, in effect, put up the bars to keep 
the Soutberu people out of the Uuion, and are 
now pokins tbcm with sharp sticks in order to 
make tbera^drop slavery ere taking a leap into 
the Union. Believing, as I do, that the nes^roes 
South, taken on an average, are the bopp.est 
class of people there, I positively see no use ol 
this vast expenditure of blood and treasure in 
order to chaLgc the status of these people when 
most of them do not dtsire it done. Even if 
the Umiuistravion could have succeeded peace- 
ably in this business, I believe that, under ex- 
istino- circumstances, all classes and grades ot 
the Southern people would be worsted, even 
the negroes themselves, and our Northern breth- 
ren be°bettered nothing by the change. 

This war, as it is now being conducted, is 
positively nothing but a John Brown raid upon 
a Urge scale, only with this difference : 

1st. John Brown and his folloKers were vol- 
unteers. It is therefore to be presumed that 
they conscientiously believed they were in the 

Now, doubtless the larger number by tar 
volunteered at the commencement of this war 
for the purpose of aiding to restore the Union 
upon a strictly constitutional batis, without 
reference to slavery ; but after getting the har- 
ness on, the Administration have, by a change 
of policy, cast all those notle sacrifices— the 
most noble that man can make— at the shrme 
of abolition, thereby compelling many of these 
men to fight for a principle that they would 
have been far from volunteering to do at the 

2d'. John Brown and his followers doubtless 
imao-ined that much disaffection existed among 
.then'groes South, and that, therefore, they 
only had to commence the thing, and like aroU- 
iu<i- ball of snow, it would gather force as it went. 
They very probably died with this belief, and 
that they were on the right track, but lacked the 
time and means to carry out their schemes. 

But this Administration has had ample time 
and means to prove to the most skeptical the 
fallacy of their course, and that the negroes do 
not' desire to exchange their present situation, 
uhcrc they are kindly protected by their masters, 
for a species of serfdom with no protection. But 
notwithstanding this, they still hang on and 
persist in offering up the lives of their country- 
men upon this most unholy altar. Nothing 
seems too precious to be sacrificed in order to 
change the status of a class of people, most of 
yhom do not desire it done as aforesaid. 

The Administration adhering with such te- 
nacity to the policy of general emancipation as 
a condition precedent to a restoration of the 
Union, reminds me of an anecdote that I have 
frequently heard an old gentleman relate, 
which, for the benefit of my readers, I will 
here insert : 

Once upon a time, he, in company with an 
old lady and several other persons, was cross- 
ing a river in a canoe. This old lady had pro- 



cured a side of bacon at a neighbor's which 
.«hc was holding very bardessly on the side oi 
tlie canoe. All weregHding along very sraooth- 
Iv when the canoe striking suddenly against a 
rock, thc'old lady, bacon and all were precipi- 
tated into the river. All hands laid hold and 
soon drew her in again as good as ever, minus 
a good wetting ; hu judge their surprise u-hen 
they found that she still clung to the bacoii which 
she dreiv in after her. 

Even so with this Administration. They are 
detei mined, it seems, to adhere to the policy oj 
general emancipation as a condition precedent to a 
restoration of ihe Union, let the nation live or die, 
sink or swim.- But they cannot much longei' 
wafe this abolition crusade under the false 
colors of "Union" and "Humanity." The mask 
will ere long be torn off, if it is not already, 
and the people be enabled to see things in their 
true light. As a consequence, this deluded, 
fanatical, and suicidal Administration (would 
to God I could use milder words) will then be 
hurled from power, and another take the reins 
of government in their stead that will restore 
things to their pristine purity. 

I profess to be a philanthropitt, and to have 
a universal love for the people of all sexes, 
grades, and colors. Hence, I have great regard 
for my deluded Republican brethren. I will 
remark here that had President Lincoln and; 
his party adhered to the principles enunciated, 
in his inaugural, I should not have aught to 
say against them. But inasmuch as they have 
departed from those principles without any pros- 
pect of returning to the same, I now consider 
that the salvation of the country depends on our 
elevating to the Tresidency some gentleman who 
will observe those fundamental truths, as laid 
down in that very able and conservative doc- 
ument. I therefore think that justice, even to 
our Republican brethren, demands that they, 
should be loosed from the reins of government,; 
for at least a little season, and let some party, 
more Capable than themselves put the machine,, 
once more in running order. The only party' 
capable o*f doing that, my friends, is the great 
conservative Democratic party, composed of 
people of all parties who are in favor of ob- 
serving the Constitution and the laws. Under 
the providence of a just and beneficent God, 
with General George B. McClellan, or some 
other noble Democrat as our standard bearer, 
we will, on the second Tuesday in November, 
next, take the initiative step for bringing about 
this great desideratun. May God speed the 
day. After that, when times shall have be-' 
come quiet, should the people see proper to 
elevate another Republican to the Presidency 
of the United States, who will take an oath to 
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution, 
and will observe that oath, I for one will have 
no objection. 



CUOOSE TOU THIS DAY WHOM TOO WILL SERVE. 

My dear reader, you cannot attach too much 
importance to the' great questions to be decided 
in the coming campaign. Your own life and 



that of your country very probably depend 
on the result. Tderefore, if you desire war for 
at least four years longer, witli a draft every 
three months during that time, vote for one of 
the Republican candidates for President. But if 
you desire peace, with Te-union,votefor oneivho 
wili encourage a spirit of conciliation. (There 
will doubtless be such a candidate in the field 
ere long.) I am well acquainted with the 
masses iSouth, particularly those in North Car- 
olina, and kaow that they desire a settlement 
of our diiiicultics by a restoration of the l^nion, 
notwithstanding the assertions of their leaders 
and certain journalists to the contrary. 

Therefore, my friends, let us unite upon a con- 
stitutional basis, do away with and forget the 
evils of the past, strike hands as erring brothers, 
and once more move onward and upward, and 
yet attain to what but for our sectional troubles, 
■we were destined soon to have been — the first 
nation in wealth, power, and greatness upon the 
face of the globe. | 

INCIDENTS OF THE DB.VFT, CONSCRIPTION, ETC., 
IN NOETH CVROLINA. j 

In order that I may show the sentiments of ; 
the Southern people, both at the commence- ' 
taent of the war and since that time, I will give '' 
a few facts and incidents, beginning with the 
time when they commenced beating up for vol- j 
unteers. I 

It was to be a peaceable secession, some of 
our politicians asserting in their speeches that 
they would pay the cost of the war for ten cents ; 
others that they would wipe up all the blood 
that would be shed with a pocket-handkerchief ; 
and others, still more confident, said that they 
would agree to drink all the blood that would 
be shed. By making such speeches as these, 
telling the people they must present a bold 
front, and thus back out the North, they in- 
veigled many thoughtless youths in the army. 
Having thus got the war starred, they soon 
managed to force others into the army, even 
those who had been bitterly opposed •to seccs- 
Bion and its fruits from the start. They did 
this first by the dralt, and then subsequently 
and more completely by the unjust conscrip- 
tion. 

TUE DUAFT. 

When our draft came off I went down and did 
my best to get our Colonel to upset the thing, 
so far as our county was concerned. He had 
formerly been a good Union man, we having 
addressed the people side by side at Union 
meetings. I now hoped he would stand by his 
former principles, and urged him to do so, but 
to no purpose. He said were he to do that the 
authorities would be upon him. He further ; 
said that our time had not yet come, thus inti- | 
mating (hai at a proper time wo would come out 
in defense of our principles. Lacking the cour- ! 
age to brave the dangers, he proceeded with I 
the draft ; but I never saw people in so great a 
state of excitement. Ail that was lacking was 
for the stars and stripes to have been planted 



there, with a force sufficient to defend them. 
They would have enlisted under that banner 
almost unanimously. I was urged to start an 
opposition movemer.t, some of the boys tellinn' 
me they would die by me if it were necessary. 
This 1 had already resolved to do were I 
drafted or appointed to go. I being a militia 
ofiicer, was exempt from the draft— the Colonel 
appointing such othcers as he wished to go. 
Knowing my sentiments, he saw proper to leave 
me out, and perhaps it was well for the peace 
of that place that he did ; for in case I were se- 
lected, I had resolved to offer oppo!:itlon thereto, 
let theconscquences have been what they might. 
But inasmuch as I was not selected, I did not 
think I \vould bo excusable in creating a row 
for the others, and so let the matter pass, leav- 
ing each person to attend to his own individual 
case. 

There were some volunteers present who had 
been in the army and seen some service. These 
persons, thirsting for office and military fame, 
addressed the people, urging them tu volunteer. 
They were from Faycttcvillc, a city in an ad- 
joining county, and came to our county for the 
purpose of taking charge of some of the com- 
paaies. I will take occasion to state here that 
city people were more inclined to be secession- 
ists than country peojjle. 

As an inducement for these persons M'ho had 
b.en drafted to volunteer, a bounty of one hun- 
dred dollars was offered, and as a still further 
inducement, a day was appointed for those wlio 
would not vo'unteer, to start for the army, 
vrhllst those who would volunteer could yet 
remain at home for an indefinite time. Under 
these circumstances, a good many, thinking 
there was no way to avoid going, thought it 
best to pocket the hundred dollars, and so vol- 
unteered. But there were a good many who, 
after all their coaxing, still refused to volun- 
teer, saying if they iiad to go they would go as 
drafted men. Accordingly, there was a day 
appointed for them to meet at the county seat 
with five days rations, for the purpose of start- 
ing for the seat of war. I happened to. be at 
Carthage the day on which they assembled. 
They numbered nearly one hundred men, hav- 
ing with them about one dozen wagons and 
vehicles of various descriptions. All being 
packed and read\-, they set out on, I presume, 
the most unpleasant journey they had ever un- 
dertaken. When they had been gone abouttwo 
hours, judge my surprise when 1 saw the vihole 
troop returning. I soon learned that a con- 
siderable number had volunteered, and under 
these circumstance.-', the ofTiccrs having them 
in charge, deemed it expedient to return and 
give the delinquents a few more days of grace. 
Suffice to say that one more such meeting 
brought them all over, except a few sturdy 
heads whom thej' could not coax in'o their 
measures. The draft having been a certain 
percentage too large, and having obtained the 
requisite number by volunteering, these they 
at Ic.igtli dismissed and sent home. It was 
then sjunded in the papers that Moore county 



had filled her quota pj volunteering, when 
there would ba^e been but pveciouy few volun- 
teers, I assure jou, but for the measures adop- 
ted to force theui in, as already described. 

There was another feature iu this draft, which 
I will hern mention. The proposition was made 
to the militia that if they would all volunteer, 
and theu draft to atay at home, thoy would be 
let off with fewer men, and the chances for each 
to remain at home would thus bo increased. A 
good many were willing to do this, in fact, any- 
thing that would keep them out of the army. 
But I, f^r one, o^ posed this measure, and urged 
them to use no hypocrisy about it, fo? such 
would have the appearance of uot only a will- 
ingness bat even a desiie on our part to volun- 
teer, when they all very well knew such was 
not tlie case. iSo they finally concluded to draft 
*' to go," and did so. 

It was the prevailiug opinion that much ser- 
vice could not be obtained from men so thorough- 
ly imbued with Union sentiments, but in this 
we were mistaken. In conversation with a 
soldier who had lately been in several engage- 
ments, and who was formerly a good Union man, 
I asked him if he tried to hurt any person. 
Yes, said he ; that he did not want to stand and 
let people shoot at him, and he not shoot at 
them. 

The foregoing is what may be considered a 
true type of the masses South. We may there- 
fore safely iuftr that, as a general thing, they 
have enacted their part in this terrible war 
more through compulsion than voluntary free 
will. But they have suffered themselves to be 
forced into the army. It is death to desert; 
and so what can they do? 

In order to illustrate the situation of these 
people I will give a few cases of desertion : 

Some time last suiuraer twenty-five men de- 
serted from a North Carolina regiment stationed 
near Orange Court-House, in Virginia. They 
carried their muskets with them, saying they 
would go homo or die in the attempt. At Wel- 
don they encountered a guard which ordered 
them to halt ; but, refusing to do so, adifliculty 
soon ensued, which resulted ia rautual shots. 
The carnage that followed was heavy on both 
sides for the numbers engaged. Finally, the 
guards were reinforced, when they succeeded 
in ca-pturing those who had not been killed. 
They were then sent back to their regiment, ten 
in number, tried by court-martial, condemned, 
and shot. Jly informant heard the guns that 
sent these men to " that bourne from whence 
no traveler returns.'' 

I will give another case. 

There was a deserter from another North Caro- 
lina regiment condemned and shot near the same 
place, for the crime of desertion. Before he was 
loosed from the stake, andwliilehis body was yet 
warm, his wife, not knowing what was done, 
came to see him. Judge the feelings of the 
poor woman when she found her husband, who 
a few minutes before was in perfect health, now 
In the embrace of death. And now opposed to 
compromise, when the masses of thase people, 



generally speaking, have no personal enmity 
whatever against their northern brethren 'i 
Would it not be better than adopting measures 
such as are calculated to dispel this iecling 
and engender hate instead thereof? 

THE CONSCKIPTION. 

The people ia this time having seen what 
war rtuily was, refused, in a great many in- 
stances, to go forth to battle. Employment was 
thus given to the militia olliccrs to harass and 
hunt them down. Had it not been that tliis 
force was left behind, I believe the Soatheru 
army would have been broken up by desertion, 
aud kindred circumstances, long and long ago. 
This measure ij attributable to Governor 
Brown of Georgia, who refused to let his mili- 
tia officers go into the field. The Confederate 
Congress, theu, in order that all might bo 
treated alike, extended the s me privilege to 
the regaining States. This measure, thus ac- 
cidentally adopted, hath verily been the main 
stay of the rebellion. These oflicera being li- 
able to be conscripted and forced into the army 
in case of dereliction of duty, were, generally 
siJcaking, very zealous in the discharge of the 
same, iu order that they might thus screen 
themselves. For this purpose they frequently 
arrested and imprisoned the father, acd held 
him as a hostage for the delinquent son or sons. 
I will give a few cases illustrative of this. 

Iu Moore County, there was one Mr. Isham 
\Yallace, who had several sons on the dodge. 
So, one day, some dozen militia cfScers, all 
mounted, went to the house of this gentleman and 
informed him that he must acjompany them to 
camp, lie told th'.m he had a camp of his own 
and should therefore not go to their's alive. The 
excitement soon became intense. At length 
one of the ofncers made a movement as if he 
were going to dismount for the ixirpose of tak- 
ing him by force. Our hero dared him, telling 
him the moment he struck the ground he would 
shoot him, if he died and went to h — 1 the next 
minute. Seeing they could not take him with- 
out killing hira, or running a great lisk of get- 
ting some of their own men killed, they 
desisted from any further attempt, and rodo 
off, leaving hira conqueror. As they were rid- 
ing \iway this officer asked a brother officer if 
he thought the old devil would have shot him 
if he had got down. He answered that he 
would have soon found out by trying it. 

But most of the people being less resolute 
than our hero, many of them were incarcerated 
and there retained until their sons, through 
compassion, came in and gave themselves up. 
In Randolph, an adjoining count}', those officers 
thus in about two weeks, induced some sixty 
young men to come in and join the army. At 
length this mode of procedure was stopped by 
the following case iu which they met with their 
match. 

HABE.\8 CORPUS. 

Thomas Macon, a quaker and highly respect- 
able citizen of Randolph coudty, had several 



sons'd'Lo refused to heed the call of the cni- 
ecHption. One day a, dozen or so militia oi'Ti- 
cers v/eut to the house of this old gr>ntlr'mfin 
and informed him that he must grvc'bond for 
the appearaucc of himself or Sons at Ad'hboro', 
the county serA, ou a, certain day, or in case 
of refusal, raust uccompauy them nt once to 
tbat'Tplg/cc. Me told them ho should give no 
botid,'ncither wouldhego willingly. They then 
told him to prepare for the trip. He accord- 
ingly went into his house, changed his raiment, 
arid came out and announced that he was ready. 
Bat he wou'd not ride a horse nor do anything 
else to expedite the business. They then went 
oif and procured a buggy, and invited the old 
gentleman to t.ike a seat ; but not an inch 
woXild he move. Four men, one to each arm 
and leg, then took hold and placed him in the 
buggy. He was then driven to the county 
seat, 11 distaflce of some twenty miles. Having 
arrived at the place of destination, he veas in- 
formed that he must either give the required 
bond, or go in prison; he still refused. They 
however, gave him permission to pass about the 
village upon condition that he would not leave. 
Thinking he would ultimately have to go in 
prison, he sent home for a bed. Afterwards, 
when they would tell him that he must either 
comply with the conditions or go in prison, he 
would say, " well, there's ray bed." 

He at length made application for a writ of 
habeas corpus, or in other words made applica- 
tion to be permitted to give bail, and if he had 
done anything wrong let him be tried according 
to the laws of the land. He was about to suc- 
ceed in this business when the military author- 
ities dismissed him and sent him home as a 
rather tough case. 

After this, whenever a person was arrested 
under similar circumstances, he would at once 
make applica'ion for a writ of habeas corpus, 
which uover failed to obtain tha release of the 
party without any further test. So it turned 
out that the acts of these oflacers in arresting 
and holding the father as a hostage for the son 
was wholly a military usurpation, there being 
no law nor authority for such whatever. Cut 
the people did not find a remedy for this until 
many of their tons had been forced into the 
army. , ," 

I could mention many other cases, but pre- 
sume I have mentioned enough to prove that 
those who volunteered did so generally with the 
belief that they could, by pi-esenting"a bold 
front, back out the North, and thus evade the 
shedding of blood ; and that after the war com- 
menced, and the people found out what was 
ahead, they went in, as a general thing, through 
compulsion, rather than voluntary free will. It 
was a mystery how the Union party, so largely 
in the majority, could be made subservient to 
the few. But it is a fact clearly demonstrated 
that an organized force can control and make 
subservient an unorganized inass many times 
larger. Having In'iclly described the sentiments 
of the masses South, I will now leave this por- 
tion of my fsubjcct with the reader. 



KEASO.VS FOR ESPOUSING AND ADHEKISG TO THE 
rXION CAUSE. 

It may not be amiR? to inform my reader why 
it was that I deemed it expedient to adhere to 
the stars and stirpes ratlier than give my sanc- 
tion to secpsiiion. The best i-eason I can give 
for so doing i.<!, that it wa^ our politicians 
rather than the masses of the people, that sece- 
ded. Secession having thus been inaugurated 
and brought about by a species of corruption 
and usurpation, the most vile that was ever 
palmed on an innocent people, I considered it 
my imperative duty to espouse and vindicate 
the Union cause through weal and through 
woe. I have accordingly done this at much ex- 
pense and great risk. 1 was twice arrested and 
imprisoned by the Confederates ; the first time 
for not heetling the call of the conscription ; 
the last for issuiog and circulating certain pub- 
lications. The last time, after remaining in 
prison three days, I was taken out and car- 
ried before Governor Vance for a hearing. la 
the course of the conversation that ensued, he 
remarked that he thought there would have 
been much good in my publications if I had 
published them earlier — as much as to say the 
Southern States seceded before .iustijiable 
causes had been given. He treated me very 
kindly, and finally released me oa condition 
that I would circulate no more of my publica- 
tions. 

From the foregoing, I think the reader may 
safely infer that I was thoroughly devoted to 
the Union cause. I yet entertain the same sen- 
timents, and desire the restoration of the Union 
upon the same terms now that I did then, and 
they are, that the Southern 2yeople may be permit- 
ted to return to the Union upon a strictly constitu- 
tional basis, and if the Constitution be wrong let 
it afterward be amended in the way prescribed. I 
will go further than this, and say I desire that 
a restoration of the Union may be made a condition 
precedent to peace. But in order to obtain this 
great desideratum the extremists North and 
South must yield, and let the questions at issue be 
decided by a popular vote of the people. A resto- 
ration of the Union is evidently the only solu- 
tion for our sectional troubles ; for if the coun- 
try be divided the Abolitionists and Secession- 
ists would reign supreme in their respective 
sections, aad as a consequence we should soon 
have war again. But if we could now have a 
re-union upon just and honorable terms, the 
people having learned something by this exper- 
iment, would doubtless take more pains in 
the future to avoid a war. President Lincoln 
evidently started right, but this vacillating and 
changing has nearly ruioed everything. You 
will, however, please permit me to do his Ex- 
cellency the justice to say that in his inaugural 
and mild, conservative poli y, he left the South- 
ern people without any just pretext for seces- 
sion whatever. In some of his speeches ho 
said, I always told you we would beat you; 
that could have been kept off longer by nomi- 
nating Stephen A. Douglas for the Presidency 



9 



than ia any other way ; but now that we have 
be'aten yoa, I expect you wish to know what 
7,-e are going to do with you. I will tell you 
what we will do with you. It is my desire to 
treat you as near like Washington and Jeffer- 
son and Madison did, as I can. 

A^ain: He said upon another occasion that 
there should be no blood spilled during his ad- 
ministration if he could help it. 

Biit a man's being once right is no reason 
that he can do nothing wrong. Since that time 
he and bis party have rad.ated into extremes, 
until it is hard to toll whiclf have comi\'itted 
the greater crime, they or the secessionists. 
■ Without doubt, we the conservatives of North 
Carolina, with that champion, W. W. Holden, 
at our head, would long and long; ago have 
brought the people of that State in overwhelm- 
ing force against the Confederate Authorities, 
had it not been for the adoption of these ex- 
treme, unjust, and unconstitutional measures 
North, by which means much of the Union 
sentiment South has been dispersed. I think I 
represent the popular sentiments of the Union- 
ises South. As they are not hero to plead for 
themselves, I think it is my duty to raise my 
voice in their behalf. I, therefore, think I can 
safely say that we, who have expended our 
m%iey by hundreds and thousands, and impei'- 
illcd our lives also, in vindicating this great 
and noble cause, do not desire to see a mock 
Union, which would be the case if restored up- 
oft terms such as are now being forced upon 
us by our Northern brethren. Rather than this, 
we think it would be better for each State to 
stand separate and alone as they did prior to 
the formation of the present Constitution and 
Union, and let the ciuestion of Union or Unions 
be a subject for future negotiation between the 
sovereign and independent States. Yea, rather 
than the Administration should succeed in 
their present fanatical schemes for the purpose 
of making equal, or trying to make equal, that 
which God hLS made unequal, that it would be 
better for the ground to open and swallov/ up 
every man, woman, and child, white and black, 
at the South, and let our Northern brethren 
arrange matters to suit themselves by popula- 
ting the country anew from thej|(risons and 
almshouses of Europe. 

As regards our leading question, I am cer- 
tainly no pro-slavery propagandist, or, in other 
words, not a pro-slavery man per se. But at 
the same time I had rather see the Union re- 
stored with a remnant of slavery, and let the 
institution die out in God's own appointed time, 
than not see it restored at all. I know the non- 
slaveholders South are much incensed against 
their slaveholding brethren, for having been 
drawn by them into this wicked and unnatural 
war, and the probability is, that when times 
will admit of their having a fair sweep at the 
ballot-box, they will attack and do away with 
this institution of themselves, in which case it 
would be all right. 

I am emphatically the black man's friend, 
aiUd having resided nearly my whole life at the 



South, believe I understand his nature and what 
is most conducive to his happiness, better than 
if I had' lived exclusively at the North. 1 
therefore think, instead of our Novthcin breth- 
i-eu being the real philaniiu-opiLUs in this case, 
that the time will come when it v.ill be clearly 
demonstrated that the greatest enemies to the 
black race have been the uncompromising Ab- 
olitionists. Our Northern brethren seem to 
forget that very nearly all that has been done 
for \he poor negro, has been done in slavery. 
From the best souice of information, it is as- 
certained that of the 3,053, TGO servants South, 
there are, or were at the commencement of the 
war, about &00,000 connected with the Chris- 
tian church, which is more than twice as many 
as are reported from all the converts in tbo 
Protestant missions throughout the heathen 
world. Of Africa's sable population of some 
00,000,000, there cannot be so many marshalled 
on the side of the Lord. 

Another great dauger in adhering with such 
tenacity to those radical measures, is that it 
courts foreign intervention. All may thus 
probably be lost, unnecessarily and i.'-rotrieva- 
bly lost, after having borne the burden and 
heat of the day. 

Butdet me assure you, my dei^r reader, that 
no person would regret a permanent dissolu- 
tion of the Union more than I; for I have not 
only poured out my money by hundreds and 
thousands in defense of this noble cause, but 
have also wept over the sins of my people. 
But as before intimated, all our efforts and sac- 
rifices have, to a great extent, been paralyzed 
by those extreme, unconstitutional, and in my 
opinion, unjust measures adopted by the Ad- 
ministration. Both sides have evidently erred 
and gone aside from the path of duty. There- 
fore, in order to have a Union upon a just and 
permanent basis, there must be mutual conces- 
sions. 

As already stated, the^ secession ordinances 
at the South were, generally speakin^, passed 
by means of the most fraudulent and deceptive 
measures that were ever palmed on an innocent 
people. I therefore, for one, considered it my 
imperative duty to stand forth in favor of the 
masses whose rights— free expression at the 
ballot-box— had been violated. Had the Ad- 
ministration at Washinr';ton seen fit to assist us 
in reinstating the Union party, with the privi- 
lege of regulating our local and State matters 
ac'eording to the honeit dictates of our own 
bosoms, they would have commanded oar grat- 
itude, admiration, and cordial support. But 
instead of doing that they have come out and 
made war upon the Unionists also, in doing 
which they have doubtless committed a very 
grave error. 

[n my opinion the Union cannot be i-estored 
unless we have the co-operation of the Unionists 
South, and .in order to get that they must be 
permitted to think and jadije for themselves. ^ We 
are honest and conscientious in our opinions. 
but if lorong toe denre tg be held accountable to 
God, not to our Northern brethren. But not- 



16 



withstanding the best blood of the land is fast 

being pouvcfl out, and a debt being piled up 
mountains Iiigli, tliose in charge of publicafiTairs 
still persist iii their ruinous policy. If all who 
advocate those extreme and radical measures had 
to go forth and battle in the front ranks for the 
principles which they so rigorousbj lay down as a 
basis for otiurs, my word for it, more liberal 
terms icould shon be offered the Southern people. 

I will now, in conclusion, make a remark 
which I hone my reader will retain even if he 
ferget all else that I have said, and it is this, 
" That it will be with the utmost difficulty the 
Union will be restored, even if we take the shortest 
possible route and leave the people of the States to 
decide their own local matters, slavery included, 
as suits them best." 

If I had the power, I would sound the above 
in tones of thunder in the ears of my country- 
men. 



MILITARY USURPATIONS IN KENTUCKY. 

The following extracts from a pamphlet en- 
tnled "Letters on our Country's Crisis," by 
Hon. Amos Kendall, will show how matters 
were conducted during the late elections in that 
State : 

LETTER VIII. — KENTUCKY ELECTION. 

Military Onset tipon the Polls — Poll Boohs seized — I'tames 
of Deinnrratic Candidates Erased — Voters and Candidates 
Thnalencd and Arrested — A Vicio>-y over tite While 
Nan's Libe.rt!/ — .4 Disunion Victory — Memhers of Con- 
gress and S'.ah Lejislature elected h'j the Bayonet — No 
Orders from, War Department — A ilystery to be I)ivest- 
igatcd. 

In tho closing paragraph of our last letter we presented 
the extraordinary spectacle in this country of about fffty 
thousand FeJeral troops in battle array against an un- 
armed political i)arty in ICentucky. They were distributed 
to all tho principal towns and voting places in the State. 
The attack was niado simultaneously at many points. The 
following extract from a certificate of the judge of election 
ut Bardstown, Kentucky, Mr. Wickliffo'a place of residence, 
shows the result at thr.t place, viz: 

"We, tho judges of tho election held at the court-house 
in Bardstown, Nelson county, Ky., in Precinct No. 9, 
on this the Cd day of August, 18G3, do certify that tho 
names of C. A. Wickliffe, a candidate for Governor of Ken- 
tucky, W. B. Bead, candidate for tho office of lieutenant 
Governor of Kentucky, were cnit^ed from the poll-books by 
Lieutenant Colonel Butler, commanding tho Fifth Itegi- 
mcnt Indiana Cavalry, U. S. Army, now with headquarters 
at this place, who would permit no voter to vote for said 
persons for said offices." 

Against this outrage Sir. Wickliffo filed the following 
protest, viz : 

"•C. A. WidclilTo protests against tho act by which his 
name was strii-ken from tho poll-books, and tho people de- 
nied tho privilege of voting for him as a candidate lor tho 
office of Governor. 

" lie states that ho has ever been opposed to secession or 
a dLs.solution of tho Union. 

" lie is in favor of a restoration of the Union as it was 
nnder tho present Constitution. 

" lie has opposed the iibolilion of slavery as a war meas- 
nreand tho arming of negroes as soldiers of the army of 
tho Um'ted States, and voted against tho appropriation bill 
at ihe last session after tho House refused to adopt the pro- 
viso offered by Mr. Mallory, providing, in substance, that 
no part of the m lU'-y sliould bo expended in freeing ne- 
groes, inanningaiid p'vliigncgroos as soldiers of tho army. 
Sir. Crittenden, Mr. Mallory, Mr. Menzies, Mr. Llarding, 
Mr. Yeaman, and Mr. Grider opposed the bill, and refused 
to vote for it for the same re.a-sons. ' ^ 

"I deny that I am disloyj.! to tho Government or to the 
Constitution. 

"I request tho judges to file this paper with tho poll- 
books and returns. " C. A. WICKLLFFJE." 



The streng h of Mr. Wickllffe's loyalty was 
exhibited in a remark made to the writer of 
these articles ia condolence for thelussofaa 
only SOD in the winter of 18G1-2 '' J leave a 
son," said he, " ivho has Joined the rebel army, 
and 1 would rather have followed him to his yrave." 

Tho following condensed statements exhibit a portion of 
the miliUu-y operations in various portions of tho State, 
n.amely : 

'•McC^.ACK«\' CocxTY. — In tliis county the election was 
held under strict military I'ule. Soldiers were stationed at 
each precinct. No one was allowed to vote williouttiddug 
tho oath prescribed by Ocueral Ashboth. The Democratic 
tick<'t was struck from tho poll-books and not allowed to 
be voted for." 

'•Bullitt Countt. — At Mount Washington tho voting 
commenced about eight o'clock. At niuo in tho morning 
Wickliffo liad received twenty-one votes and Bramlette 
tlireo votes. A lieutenant of cavnlry, with a squad of fifty 
men under his command, then ordered tho name of the 
Democratic candidates to bo erased from the poll-books, 
and this w;ia done." 

" Haxcook County. — At Ilawesvillo a lieutenant in com- 
mand of a militarj' forco forbade tlie judges to place the 
n;;mos of the Democratic candidates on the poll-books, and 
they obeyed, refusing to receive any votes for these candi- 
dates. At I.ewisport the same course was pursued. At 
Indian Creek no poU was opened for tho Democratic ticket. 
At Lane precinct twenty-two votes were allowed to be cast 
for ATickliffe." 

" Ballaf.d County. — At Precinct No. 1 there was no in- 
terference with voters, and Wickliffe received all but two 
or three of the votes c:ist. At the remaining precincts the 
election was conducted by armed soldiers under the orders 
of Gen. Asboth, all tho voters being required to take the 
oath prescribed in his order. At Precinct Nos. 2 and 4 no 
election was held as tho judges refused to hold it unless 
permitted to cunductitagreoably to the laws of the State." 

'•Woodford County. — At Versailles the Provost Marshal 
gave notice at tho polls that those who voted tho Demo- 
cratic ticket would leave a record of their disloyalty, so 
that ho would know whose property to seize as the sym- 
pathizers in rebellion. linally, none were allowed to vote 
who disapproved the negro policy of tho Administration." 

"CoNGtiESSioxAL DISTRICTS Nos. AND 7-Voters, in addi- 
tion to tho oath required by law, were required to answer 
questions as to their feelings, sympathies, and wishes. If 
they failed to answer these satisfactorily, or refused to 
answer at all, their votes were rejected. Thoso who had 
voted early in tho day were afterward called back and these 
questions put to them and their votes era.sed." 

Before the election, tho Democratic candidate for Con- 
gress in the Fifth District and the candidate for tho Legis- 
Irituro in Livingston county, were arrested and sent to Hen- 
derson, many miles from their homes, and there detained 
until after the election. Thus, by prescribing illegal oaths, 
by dictating illegal acts to county courts aud judges and 
clerks of tho election, by arrestingjudges of the election 
for refusing to administer the illegal oalhs in violation of 
their oaths of office, by not allowing men who were willing 
to t;ike tho oath to vote the Democratic ticket, by threat- 
ening to arrest and actually arresting voters in feivor of 
that ticket, by declaring such votes a proof of disloyalty, 
thus exposing their property to seizure, by seizing the poll- 
bouk's and erasing the names of tho Democratic candidates 
in more than fifty precincts, by era.sing Democratic votes 
and abstrjicting poll-books showing Democratic majorities 
— by a multiplicity of outrages like these, a great victory 
was achieved by the Federal army in Kentucky — a victory 
over the right of suffrage, over tho white main's liberty, 
over the Constitutions of tho State and of the United States, 
a victory, if often repeated, as fatal to the Union a-s seces- 
sion itself, A DISUNION \lCT0Rr. The total number of voters 
in Kentucky, as Oflicially reported, was 182,2i6. Only 
80,000 were cast, of which Mr. Wickliffo received less than 
17,400. Tho opposing candidate received tho residue, being 
but a little more than one-third of the actual vote of th« 
State. This fact, connected with the moans taken to defoiit 
Mr. Wickliffe, afl'ords strong presumptive evidence that ho 
would have received a majority of the votes hail there been 
a free election. Aud tho .same means which defeated him, 
placed in Congress and in the State Legislature many mem- 
bers wlio now hold their seats, not by the will of the people, 
but by Federal bayonets. 

And what do wo hear now? The Secretary of War, in 
reply to a call from tho Senate for a copy of all orders 
issued from his Department touching those elections, re- 



11 



porta that no siKh orders were issued! If there were no 
brdors from the Seorelary of War. tho Goncralin-Chiof, or 
the Pr'-sidGut, everv officer who purticirated in thcso out- 
ra-J-os ought to bo c'a-uieroit and di-ivcn from the army in 
disgrace. Cut has any one of them been punished, repn- 
nuinded, or censured? Not one. 

Thcrn is a mysti^ry here wliich demands from Congi-ess a 
moet searching investigation. As friends of UiewhUe man's 
lil>ertv, will tiioy not moke it? 

Febjiuary 9, ItGi. 

For lack of space, similar reports from Mc- 
Lean, Caldwell, Breckinridge, Graves, Calloway, 
Hickman, Fulton, M^ade, SUelby, Lyon, Da- 
viess, Headerson, Owen, and Nelson Counties 
cannot be inserted. 

The foregoing needs no comments, but speaks 
for itself. 

For lack of space, a very important letter, 
Bimilar to the above, relative to the Maryland 
election, cannot be inserted. 

CONCLUSION. 

We now come to take our last view of the 
matter. We have noticed briefly President 
Lincoln's policy from the delivery of his inau- 
gural down to'tbo present time; how he, by 
successive additions, like the story of '• The 
House that Jack Built," at length reared the 
abolition fabric complete. As a finishing stroke, 
if there was anything lacking, he has lately 
capped the climax with the note to Messrs. Clay 
and Holcouibe, under the heading of " To 
Whom it May Concern." 

A^ain : the adoption on the p irt of the Ad- 
miurstration of those extremely radical meas- 
ures relative to the status oi the negro, thereby 
throwing obstacles in the way of exchanging 
prisoners, has doubtless been the means of hun- 
dreds and thousands of poor soldiers dying in 
Confederate prisons. When the Administra- 
tion could thus, apparently without any re- 
morse, entail such sulTeriugs upon their fellow- ' 
men merely for the gratification of their per- 
sonal ambition, where is the '-Humanity" of 
which they so much boast? Those brave sol- 
diers who'have endured the privations of the 
camp, and imperiled their lives iu the service 
of their country, deserve the gratitude and 
admiration of the world. But as long as the 
present policy be pursued they cannot reap the 
fruits of their labors. Iu my opinion it can- 
not be done in four years more should Mr. 
Lincoln be elected. Claims of deceased sol- 
diers are now being settled in the Second 
Auditor's office at the rate of from 300 to 500 
daily, and yet they are twelve months behind, 
notwithstanding they have a force of some two 
hundred and fiity clerks, the most of whom are 
employed on these claims. Considering the 
large numbers that have fallen the past summer, 
I don't suppose the work now on hand can be 
caught up in a twelve month. Having been a 
clerk in that Department nearly six months, 
I know what I speak is correct. Think of this 
soldier-friends, and consult your own interest 
and that of your country for which you have 
periled so much, is all I ask. 

Again : the Administration, as if they were 
immaculate and pure and had not themselves 



first broken the Constitution, have refused upon 
all occasions to treat with the CoiilVdcrates, 
and thus end the war. The following incident 
will probably throw some ligtil upon this sub- 
ject, and may be considered new, as 1 do not 
think it has ever been in print before: 

1 am credibly informed by a gentleman who 
is now in this city, who was a resident of Ten- 
nessee at the breaking out of the war, that at 
the commencement of our difficulties he held 
considerable correspondence with A. II. Ste- 
phens, of Georgia. The last letter my friend 
wrote that gentleman, Mr. Stephens did not 
reply to personally, but requested a friend to 
answer it, and inform his friend "that to- 
morrow he should join the Confederates, but it 
would only be for the purpose of bringing thein 
back at a proper time, under auspices such as 
would insure a more perfect Union." Has 
the Administration manifested any disposi- 
tion to receive them, even when they have 
signified a desire to return ? I think not. 

^Vbile such has been the policy of the Fed- 
eral au'.horiti s, those of the Southern Confed- 
eracy, meeting with but liitlc or no encourage- 
ment, have pursued a course alike antagonistic 
to the best interests of the country, as is proven 
bv the late mission of Messrs. Jaquesaud Gil- 
more; but this was known before. Those ex- 
tremists have thus, by playing into each 
other's hands, fanned the war into a lurid flame 
that threatens, if not speedily arrested, to de- 
vour the country. 

The Abolitionists are responsible for their 
full share of the causes leading to this war, 
but the Confederates are more responsible for 
the inauguration of hostilities, as I will prove 
by the following : 

'Col. Laraon, an agent of the Federal Govern- 
ment, was sent to Charleston to. treat respecting 
the evacuation of Fort Sumter. He informed 
the Confederate authorities of his mission, and 
proposed a vessel of war with which to evacu- 
ate the Fort. They refused this oiibr, prefer- 
ring, as some say, a mer«hant vessel with which 
to evacuate the fort, others a surrender of the 
fort. Iu all probability, the Federal soldiers 
went to the forts of Charleston in a war vessel, 
and if they desired to depart in one I cannot 
see why they could not consistently with the 
honor of the State and Confederate States, have 
been permitted to do so. But there were cer- 
tain fire-eaters at the South who wanted an 
affray at Fort Sumter in order that the remaiii- 
ing slave States might be involved in the diffi- 
culty, and thus. uU be united into a Southern 
Confederacy. Therefore, the Confederates are 
more responsible for the immediate inaugura- 
tion of hostilities. 

President Lincoln, with the vast resources of 
the United States at his command, including 
one hundred and eleven regiments of soldiers 
from the Border Stat«8, has a fearful respoiisi- 
bility resting upon his shoulders for not ending 
the war ere this wi;h the restoration of tho 
Union, and at an immense saving of life and 
treasure. 



12 



Again: While a certain prominent Repub- 
lican has lately suinracd up in four words 
the duty of all loyal citizens — "stand by ilie 
Govovunient" — they as a body, vitterly ignore 
the Constitiui'.n. Therefore, tbeir whole pro- 
ceedings are nothing but mob law upon a large 
soaie. Hence, the many factions in the Repub- 
lican party, for they can't all agree as to ''how 
the Constitution ought to be." I would say, 
rather '^ stand Ly the ConstUutio7i, and theCon- 
stitution ivill stand ly the Government. 

lu the preceding remarks I made an asser- 
tion to the effect that general en'ancipation 
would uuder existing circuiustances, result dis- 
astrously to the white and black races at the 
South. I now wish to submit some testimony 
in proof thereof. 

According to the census of 1850 there was 
in the penitentiary of Massachusetts one con- 
vict for every 12,533 of her white population. 
Of her free negro population there was a con- 
vict for every JL02, thus shov/ing that the 
negroes were a fraction over thirteen times as 
im'moral as the whites. The proportion of 
negroes to the whites being so small, there be- 
ing only one out of every 109 of her entire 
population, a free negro does not make a per- 
ceptible -difference on society. But if at the 
South, where iii-some States the number of ne- 
groes exceeds that of the whites, they should 
be emancipated, and in a few years should 
also become thirteen times as immoral as the 
whites, I wish to know what would soon be 
the condition of society there? While Massa- 
chusetts furnished a convict for every 192 of 
her free negro population, there was only one 
out of every 10,000 of the servants South in 
prison. It cannot be said that it is for lack of 
cultivation that has caused the free negroes of 
Massachusetts to become so depraved, because 
there is a smaller proportion of them that can- 
not read and wiite than there is of the wbites 
of some of the Southern States. I say this 
with some degree of shame, but it is neverthe- 
less true. 

The foregoing ought to go a great ways in 
deciding this question, and certainly v/ould if 
our I^oithern brethren would only cast aside 
their passions and prejudices, and take facts in 
the case as they really exist. It would seem 
that they have had free negroes on hand long 
enough (eighty years) to succeed in elevating 
them to a level with the white race, or at least 
approximating that figure, if they are suscep- 
tible of such elevation; and until they do this, 
or prove that it can be done, we think it base, 
mean, and contemptible in them for attempting 
to force a state of affairs upon us South, such 
as we have every reason for believing would 
prove the utter ruin of both whites and blacks 
for many generations to come, if not through- 
out all future time. Prove to me that the con- 
dition of the negro wouH not be worsted by 
emancipation, and also that they would not act. 
as an incubus or clog to the white race, and I 
am then an abolitionist out and out. But it 
may be set down as au axioni that no two races 



can exist together on an equality in freedom 
where there are barriers such as prevent their 
intermarrying with each other. lam sustained 
in thhs opinion by ;\Ir. Jeffvjrsop. A war be- 
tween the races would ultimately set in, and the 
stronger cxter.aiJRftte the weaker. 

Again : a largo proportion of the lately eman- 
cip;.ted servants with whom I have conveiKed 
in this city, Newbern, and other places, say they 
were forced from flieirhome.-? agaiiii^t their will, 
and that they were -more comfortable and happy 
with their master.s before obtaining their IVee- 
dom than they have been .since. From whence, 
then, the philanthropy that prompts the forcing 
of these people from their homes against their 
will and crotvding them in camps, where they 
have died by hundred.? and thou.=ands ? These 
people arc not responsible for their being in 
servitude, neither are they responsible for the 
v/ar. Therefore their blood will be upou some 
persons shoulders othei' than their own. Upon 
whose Vvfill that be ? With these remarks I will 
now leave this portion of my subject with the 
readei". 

Since the first ten pages of this pamphlet 
were set in type and stereotyped. Gen. George 
B. McClellan, of New Jersey, and George H. 
Pendleton, of Ohio, have been nominated by 
the Chicago Convention as our standard-bear- 
ers in the coming campaign. Abetter or more 
available ticket I do not think could have been 
selected. AVith that ticket success is believed 
to be certain. There is, however, a work for 
us to do. I therefore wish to urge once more 
upon my readers the vast iraponance of the 
questions soon to be decided. We have seen 
how the Federal authoriiies resorted to force, 
test-oaths, &c., in order to carry the late elec- 
tion in Kentucky^ No better evidence need be 
wanted that their cause is a bad one than the 
simple fact that they were not w^illing for the 
people to decide for themselves, a large ma- 
jority of whom are undoubtedly constitutional 
Unionists. Whether or not they will attempt 
coercion in the coming election we now cannot 
tell. It is, however, to be hoped they will not ; 
but whether or not they do, the result, as is 
believed, will be the same. With sufficient 
energy on our part their defeat is certain. Jus- 
tice demands this not only for the mismanage- 
ment of public affairs, whereby the vast re- 
sources of the United States have been squan- 
dered to little purpose, and the war. prolonged 
far beyond the proper limits, but als6 from the 
fiict that four years is long enough for any 
person to hold any office of profit and honor in 
the gift of the ptiople, either in times of war or 
peace. I am therefore emphatically an advo- 
cate of the one-term principle from the fact 
that I believe sucU a policy, rigidly pursued, 
would, as a general thing, not only fill the 
various offices of the country with better men, 
but would also cause a more equal distribution 
of the same .imong the people. 

Another evil resulting from retaining persons 
so Jong in oflice is that the incumbents are too 
apt to come to the conclusion that the office 



and p?ople, ioo, belong to tlicro, and get to be 
like Hammnhds, wLo in the Nasliville Conven- 
tion proclaimed, " The people r.ro to do what- 
ever vre command them." Thoy pcem to for- 
get altogether that thoy are the servants of the 
people, and hence da a^ they ploaso. Mr. Liu- 
coin, I believe, waS' once an advocate of the 
oue-tcrm principle, but from some cause of 
other we have not heard anything on that score 
of late. 

In my opinion, before an amicable, adjustment 
of our sectional trouble!? can ba obtained, we 
nuist cast a«ido those pafsiona and predjudices 
and the hatred that has been engendered during 
the war. Instead of the pursuit of these pas- 
sions bringinp; ug redress for our wrongs, it will 
only involve us in more inextricable difficulties. 
AVe should therefore consult our interest rather 
than ouv feelings. But the present Adminis- 
tration is so trammelled with proclamations 
and pledges that I actually do not believe they 
can consult the common interests of the country, 
and at the same time respect those proclama- 
tions and pledges. I therefore think we need a 
new Administration that is not thus trammelled. 

But, it may be asked, what are my views rel- 
ative to negro soldiers, pr6jided the Democratic 
nominees are elected. In answer to this I will 
say that I am in favor of using the negro in any 
way that he can be of service in putting down 
the rebellion, at a saving of life and treasure.. 
And that the negroes now in the field can be of 
service so far as force is concerned, is evident 
even to a casual observer. Morally considered, I 
believe this policy has acted injuriously, in giv- 
ing the Southern people a pretext for their law- 
less acts, and thus enabling them to mass all 
their available forces against the Federal Gov- 
ernment. It ife therefore problematical whether 
tlie negro soldiers hive been or will ultimately 
be of anj- real beneiit in restoring the Union; 
for, a reunion to he worth anytldng must be bused 
upon the. will of the people governed. I therefore 
think that had the proposition of A. H. Ste- 
phens to visit Washington City been enter- 
tained, it would have been worth infinitely 
more to the Union cause than the combined 
services of the 200,000 negro 'joldiers now said 
to be in the fieM, to s.ay nothing of the loss of 
life and treasure that has occurred since that 
time. Therefore, whatever may bo the policy 
of continuing negro soldiers in the army, I con- 
sider it very impolitic on the part of the AJ- 
rainistration in rejecting propositions that 
that would doubtless have led to peace, for the 
purpose of arming and equipping the negroes. 

I wish here to advert to a remark that Mr. 
Stephens is alleged to have made, which is : 
" That the Southprn Confederacy is founded 
jipon Slavery as its corner-stone." INIr. Ste- 
phens never said any such thing, and I defy 
any gentleman to prove it. What he said, in 
eirect, was this: "That there was a distinction 
between the white and b ack races, and upon 
that principle they would Lay the corner-stone 
of the Confederacy." What gent'.sman of even 
ordinary capacities will say anj Ijing else? I 



am aware, Liowever, that the Rf^publicajtis advo- 
cate equality before the law rather than oqu:ili|y 
of races. 1 agree with thom Iicro. and am foe 
the black man enjoying a,ll the pleasures and 
comforts of which his naiuro is susceptible. But 
I do not think his pleasures arc ir.creased by 
mingling with white people in street cars and 
such places. Having several times ridden on 
the same cars with them it was \Q.r^ ca.^y to di.s- 
cover by their physiognomy that tliey were not 
as well contented as thc^' would have been in a 
separate car or apartment to tbenisclvcs. I, for 
one, don't wish to be understood as saying that 
I would have any objection to riding by the side 
of a poor negro in a street car, but v/hen they 
would doubtless be more comfortable in a car 
or apartment to themselves, why insist on their 
mingling with the whites ? It \i in this wav 
that undue prejudices are gotten up agaiu.st the 
poor negroes, which eventuall}- makes it worse 
for them ; and very probably this state of af- 
fairs will ever exist so long as there ai'c barriers 
such as prevent the whites and blacks from 
intermarrying. Being no miscegenationist, I 
am no advocate of any such doctrine I do not 
believe in corrupting or ruining the the Cauca- 
sian race — the most noble of God's creation — 
for the purpose of elevating the negro, an infe- 
rior race. But if the negroes move in their 
proper sphere they can be happy and contented 
in this world, and if they live virtuously and 
seek Christ, the Saviour of all men, they will 
doubtless be happy in the next. Having done 
this, I believe they will have fulfilled the pur* 
pose for which they were intended by the 
Creator. - 

I now wish to advert in a few words to Ihe 
Democratic platform lately adopted at Chicago. 
The Republicans affect to dislike this exposi- 
tion of sentiments from the fact that it does not 
breathe forth war stronglj' enough for them. 
"Peace en the basis of the Federal Union of 
the States," evidently does not suit them. It is 
true the platform does not define tbe course to 
be pursued in cnse the Confederates refuse 
peace upon that basis ; but as the framer? 
thereof doubtless thought tha,t a return to tha 
Constitution on the part of the Federal Gov- 
ernment was all that was needed to restore 
." peace on the basis of the Federal Union of 
the States," th^y were not as explicit upon that 
point as they probably 'would have been had 
they relied solely upon the merits of the svrord 
for a se tlement of our difficulties. While they 
are for peace upon the basis of the Constitu- 
tion and Union, they evidently intend to em- 
ploy the means best calculated to efTect the 
same; And I am of the opinion myself that if 
peace were offered the Confederates upon that 
basis with some degree of firmness, that a re- 
union, such as was established by our fathers, 
would soon be the result. But at the same 
time, should these means be found inad'^quate, 
more stringent measures would doubtless be 
fidopted, for in the language of the patriotic 
Jackson, " the Union must and shall be pre- 
served," despite secessionists and abolitionists. 



14 



Therefore, place tlie war on a Constitnlional 
basis, and if aiiv iruire soltlif-rs he wanting jon 
may count me in for one. I am willing to risk 
my lifo, even to pour out my .blood were it 
nccessfiry, to save the Union, but am not will- 
ing to ritk it for tlie purpose of freeing negroes 
under existing circumgtances. 

Since tbo foregoing was in type I have re- 
ceived General McClellan's very able and patri- 
otic letter of acceptance. It is very explicit as 
to the policy to be pursued in ca.se the choice 
of the Convention is ratified by the people. 
For the purpose of placing it before my read- 
ers, I will extend these pages to a greater length 
than I had originally designed. It needs no 
comments, and I therefore submit it entire with- 
out any : 

Obamoe, N. J., September S, 1SC4. 

Oentixmen: Iliavo the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
of yonr letter informing mo of tho n(jmination, by tho Na- 
tional Democratic ('ouvention, recently assembled at Chi- 
cago, as their c;uuliJato at the next election for President 
of the United States. 

It is unnecessary for me to say to yon that this nomina- 
tion comes to mo unsought. I am happy to know that 
when tho nomination was made, the record of my public 
life was kept in view. 

Tlie effect of long and varied service in the army during 
war and peace has been to strengthen and make indelible 
in my mind and hcirt tho love and roverencc for tboUnion, 
Constitution, laws, and (lag of our country, impressed upon 
mo in e^irly youth. These feelings have thus far guided the 
course of my life, and must continue to do so to its end. 

The cxisteuco of more than one government over the 
region which once owned our flag is incomp.atiblc with tho 
peace, the power, and the Inppiness of tho people. 

Tho preservation of our Union was tho solo avowed ob- 
ject for wliich tho war was commenced. It should have 
been conducted for that object only, and in accordance w-ith 
those principles which took occasion to declare when in 
active service. 

Thus conducted, the work of reconciliation would have 
boon easy, and wo might have reaped tho benefits of our 
many victories on land and sea. 

The Union was originally formed by the exercise of a 
Bpirit of conciliation and compromise. To restore and pre- 
serve it the samo spirit must prevail in our councils and in 
the hearts of tho people. The re-establishment of tho 
Union in all its integrity is and must continue to be tho in- 
dispensable condition in any settlement. So soon as it is 
cle.ar, or even probable, that our present adversaries aro 
ready for peace upon tho basis of the Union, we should ex- 
haust all the resources of statesmanship practiced by civi- 
lized nations and taught by thj traditions of American 
people, consistent with the honor and interests of the 
country, to secure such peaco, re-establish the Union, and 
guarantee for tho future the constitutional rights of every 
State. Th'5 Union is the one condition of peace ; we ask 
no more. 

Let mo add what I doubt not was, although unexpressed, 
tho sentiment of tho Convention, as it is of the people they 
represent, that when any one State is willing to return to 
the Union, it should be received at once, with a full guar- 
anty of all its constitutional rights. 

If a frank, earnest, and persistent effort to obtain these 
objects should f:il, the responsibility for ulterior conse- 
quences will fall upon those wiio remain in arms against 
Oio Union; but the Union must bo preserved at all 
hazards.' 

I could not look in tho face of my gallant comrades of 
tho army and navy, who have survived so many bloody 
battles, and toll them that their labor had been in vain ; 
that we had abandoned that Union for which wo have so 
often periled our lives. A v;«>t majority of our people, 
whether in tho army and navy or at homo, would, as I 
would, hail with unl)Ounded joy the permanent restoration 
of peace, on tlie basis of the Union, under tho Constitution, 
without tho effusion of another drop of blood. But uo 
peace can be permanent without union. 

As to other subjects presented in tho resolutions of tho 
Convention, I need only say that 1 should seek in the Con- 
Btitntion of tho United States, and tho laws framed in ac- 
cordance therewith, tho rule of my duty and tho liiaitationa 



of executive power ; endeavor to rpstore economy in th« 
liiil)lic I'xpendituros, re-establish tlie supremacy of law, 
a:ul, by the oper.ation of ,x more vigorous nationality, re- 
sume our commandiug pew '.ion among the nations of th« 
earth. 

The condition of our finances, tho d»prf»ei.ation of the pa- 
per money, and the burden thereby imposed on labor and 
capital, show tho necessity of a return to a souiid financiid 
system, wliile tho right? of citizen^ and thf rights of States, 
and the binding authority of law, over President, army, and 
people, ar« sulyects of not l^ss vital importance in war 
than in peace. Believing that tho vifws here expressed are 
those of tho Convention and the people you represent, I 
accept tho nomination. 

1 realize the weight of tho responsibility to be borne, 
should they ratify your choice. Conscious of my own 
weakness, I can only seek fervently tho guidance of tho 
Iluler of the Universe, and relying on his all powerful aid, 
do my best to restore union and peace to a suflV-riiig people, 
and to establish and guanl their liberties and rights. 

I am, gentlemen, very respectful 1 v. vour obedient servant, 
GEO. B. JIcCLELLAN. 
Hon. Horatio Setmour and others, Committee. 

Democratic Plafform adopted by the Convention 
that assembled at Chicago, Avjust 29, 1864. 

Resolved, That in the future, as in tho past, we will ad- 
here with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Consti- 
tution as the only solid foundation of our strength, security. 
and happiness as a people, and as a framework of govern- 
ment equally conducive to tho welfare and prosperity of all 
tho States, both Northern and Southern. 

Resoh-cd, That this Convention does explicitly declarp, 
as the sense of the American people, that, after four years 
of failure to restore tho: ''nion by tho experiment of war, 
during which, under the pretense of a military necessity or 
war power higher than the Constitution, tho Constitutjen 
itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty 
and private rights alike trodden down, and tho material 
prosperity of tho country essentially impaired, justice, hu- 
manity, liberty, and the public welfare, demand that im- 
mediate efforts be made lor a cessation of hostilities, with 
a view to au ultimate Convention of all the States, orotlier 
peaceable means to the end that at the earliest practicable 
moment peace may be restored on tho basis of tho Federal 
Union of the States. 

Resolved, That the direct interference of tho military 
authority of the United States in the recent elections held 
in Kentucky, Mar.vland, Missouri, and Delaware, was a 
sh;unefnl violation of the Constitution, and tho repetition 
of such actri in the approaching election will be held as rev- 
olutionary, ttnd resisted with all tho moans and power 
under our control. 

Reaolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic 
party is to preserve the Federal Union and tho rights of the 
States unimpaired ; and they herobj' declare that they con- 
sider the Administrativo usurpation of extraordinary and 
dangerous powers not gr.anted by the Constitution, the sul)- 
version of the civil by military law in States not in insur- 
rection, the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment, triiU 
and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law 
exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of speech and 
of the press, the denial of tho right of asylum, the open and 
iivowed disreg.ord of State rights, tho employment of un- 
usual test-oaths, and tho interference with .and deni.il of 
the right of tho people to be.ar arms, ius calculated to pre- 
vent a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a 
Government deriving its just powers from tho consent of 
the governed. 

Resolved, That tho shameful disregard of th'o Adminis- 
tration to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizene who 
now and long have been prisoners of war in a suffering 
condition, deserve tho severest reprobation, on tho score 
alike of public interest and common humanity. 

Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is 
heartily and earnestly extended to tho soldiery of our army, 
who aro and have b^'en in the field under the flag of onr 
cp'intr)-; and, in the e^^nt of our attaining power, they 
will receive all the care und protection, regard and kind- 
ness, that th(! bravo soldiers of the Kopublic have so noblj 
earned. 

MR. Lincoln's letter of acceptance. 

ExEcrrivE Mansion-, 
WASiUNGTO.N', June '27, ISM. 
Gentlemen: Tour letter of tho fourteentli insUmt, form' 
ally notifj-ing me that I have been nominated by the Con- 



15 



Tf-ntion von represent for the PrcsUlmicy of the United 
Tt^tTforfoin- "years from the fourth of March next, has 

^ho nomination is gratefully accepted, as thorcolntions 
of the Convention, culled the platiorm, aro heartily ap- 

^"whfle the resolution in regard to the supplanting of a 
republican s^overnment upon the Western Continent is full.v 
corcurrcd in, there might be a Ini^<understandln^ «e e^I 
not to m- that the position of the Government in reht on 
to the action of Trance in Mexico, as assumed through tho 
S^ato Department and endorsed by the Comv^ntioi. among 
the measures and acts of the Kxecutivo ^v'll he fa thlu .V 
maintained s-o long as the state of facts shall lea^e that 
Dositica pertinent and nppUcablc. „„„„,„„ 

^ I am especially giatilicd that tho soldiers and seamen 
are not for^utten by tlio Convention, as they forever must 
and ^vill bo'remembcrcjd by a grateful country, for whoso 
ealvalion they devote their lives. . * „„ ;„ 

Thanking vou for the kind and complimentary terms in 
which you communicated tho nomination and other pio- 
ce»din(^ of the Convention, 

I subscribe myself, your ol'«li<^^t^^j^^7j^^I LINCOLN. 
Hon. WllXlAM DEjnsoif and others. Committee. 

I mako no comment on Mr. Lincoln's letter, 
more than it is very short. 

Republican Platform adopted hj the Convention 
that assembled at Baltimore, June T, 1864. 



Kesolvrd, That it is the highest duty of every American 
tizen to maintain against all their enemies the mtegi-ity 
f tho Union, and (ho paramount authority of the Cousti- 
.ition and laws of the United States ; and that, laying ^de 
il difrcri'nces of political opinions, wc pledge ourselves as 
fnion men, animated bv a common sentiment, and aiming 
t a common object, to do everything in our power to aid 
ho OoTernment in quoDing by force of arms the rebellion 
■ow racing ayainst its authority, and in bringing to the 
.unishrannt due to their crimes the rebels and traitors ar- 
avod against it. . ^. ^ xi r- „ 

jRcsoived That wo approve the determination of the bov- 
Tiimeut of tho United States not to compromise with 
■obels, nor to &fl""r any terms of peace except such a-s m.ay 
Ks based upon »u "nuconditional surrender' of the.r lios- 
iUtT and a return to their just allegiance to the Consntu- 
ion and laws of tho United States, and that we call upon 
Jie Government to maintain this position and to prosccuto 
■ho war with tho utmost possible vigor to tho complete 
luppre^sinn of tho reb<-llion, in full reliance upon the soU- 
facrifiGo, tho patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying 
Icvotion of tho American peoplo to their country and its 
froo institutions. . 

Resoh^l That as slavery was tho cause, and now consti- , 
tntes the strength of thisVebe.llion. and as it must bo al- 1 
tvays and cvervwhoro hostile to the principles of republican | 
jovernment, jui-tico and tho national safety demand its | 
itter and compV-te extirpation from tho soil of the repub- . 
lie and that we uphoM and maintain the acts and procla- 
mations by which the Government, in its own defence, has 
amcd a dcath-blov at this gigantic evil. A'v e are in favor, | 
fnrthcrmor-, of such an amendment to tlio Constitution, to | 
bo made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as 
jhall terminate and forever prohibit tho existence ot sla- 
rory within tho liiuits of tho jurisdiction of the United 
States, , , 

Raxolval, That tho thanks of the American people are 
au3 to tho soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who 
have periled th"ir lives in defense of their country, and in 
vindication of the honor of the flag; that the nation owes 
to them some permanent recognition of their p.atnotism 
ind valor, and ample and permanent provision for thoso of 
their survivors who have received disabling and honorable 
B-ounds in the servico of the country : and th.at the mem- 
jries of those who have fallen in its defense shall be held 
lu grateful and everlasting remembrance. 

A'^oh'crf, That we approve and applaud tho practical 
iri-'dom tlv- iiiiselfish patriotism, and unswerving fidelity 
» tho C'onstitution and the principles of American liberty, 
with which Abrahr-.m Lincoln has discharged, under circum- 
•es of unpanilleled difficulty, the great duties and respon- 
.ihilities of tho presidonti,al office; that we approve and 
•ndorse, as demaiid-d by the emergency and essential to 
'.he preservation of the nation, and as within the U nstitu- 
lion th'- measures and acts which he lias adopted to defend 
Die nation agiiinst its open and secret foes; that we approve 



c--pec!ally the Proclamation of Eraancipat-on, and the em- 
plovment a.s Union soldiers of men heretofore held m 
sl-ivf-rv • and that wo liavo full confidence in lii.^ determina- 
tion to carry theso and all other constitutional measures 
essential to the salvation of the country into full and com- 
plelo cflect. , , , 

Itcsolvcd, That we deem it essenti.nl to tho general vrcl- 
faro that harmony should prevail in tho national councils, 
and we regard as worthy of public confidence and ofBcial 
trun only those who cordially ciulorxo the principles pro- 
claimed in theso resolutions. and which should characterize 
tho administration of the Government, 

Kaolval. That tho Government owes to all men employe^ 
in its armi..'3, without regard to ilistinction of color, tholun 
protection of tho laws of war, and that any vioUition of these 
laws or of the usages of civilized nations lu the time of war 
by tho rebels now'in arms, should bo mado the subject ol 
full and prompt redress. . ,.. v ■ .u 

Eesohvxl, That tho foreign immigration, which in the 
past has added so much to the wealth and development of 
resources, and increase of power to this nation, tho asylum 
of tlie oppressed of all nation?, .should be losterod and ea 
couragcd by a liberal and just policy. 

I{c,<nh'cd, That we are in fovor of tho speedy construction 
of a railroad to tho I'acilic. , ^ ,, , 

Kesnlved, That tho national faith, pledged for the redemp 
tion of the public debt, must be kept inviolate; and that 
for this purpose wo recommend economy and rigid respon- 
sibility in tho public expenditures, and a vigorous an^UU" 
system of taxation ; that it is tho duty of every loyal Stiita 
to sustain the credit and promote the uso of tho national 
currency. « . , , , ^i, r> 

Itesolvcd, That we approve tho position taken by thoGov- 
ernment that the people of the United States never regarded 
with indillerenco the attempt of any European power to 
overthrow by force, or to supplant by fraud, tbo institutiuna 
of any republican government on the we.storn continent, 
and th.at they view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to 
tho peace and independence of this our country, the cflortfl 
of any such power to obtain new footholds for mor.archical 
governments, eustained by a foreign military force, in near 
proximity to tho United States. 



For lack of space, Gen. Fremont's letter of 
acceptance is omitted. 

Before closing. I wish to say once more that, 
having been treated very kindly by the Re- 
publiclins since I came North, I have certainly 
not written the preceding pages through any 
acrimonious feelings towards them ; far from 
it, for I shall ever feel grateful to them for the 
kindness they have extended to me I there- 
fore feel towards them as you would towards 
an erring brother who is addicted to the fatal 
cup. and whom you are desirous of reclaiming 
ere he rush down the vortex of crime to irrc- 
treivablo ruin. There is, however, this dif. 
I ference between your friend thus situated and 
the Rcpublictm party. Your friend's evil course 
' very probably acts injuriously only to himself, 
! while the course pursued by the Republicans 
i has a disastrous effect not only upon thcm- 
i selves but also upon their brethren throughout, 
the entire length and breadth of tho land, both 
I North and South. We are therefore all intcr- 
j es^d in the matter; and fervently desiring the 
I welfare of all sections of the coitntry, I have 
I advanced tho within sentiments without any 
j sectional feeling whatever. 
! Notwithstanding I do not fully indorse the 
I Chicago platform.* yet consider tlie Democratic 
I ticket^far preferable, .to that of the opposition, 
I from the fact that uudeu it I believe the Union 
I can be restored upon a -.far more permanent 
basis and at an immense s.aving ot life and 
treasure. The'-clefeets in the Chicago platform 
are, however, atnply rcniedied by Gen. McClel- 
lan's letter 'of., acoeptaftice ; and in case tie 



1 t 



f , T desire to call . to consult ^^-^i'l^^.^^iif^rq'jo'rtmSris'offcr 

rrflectou; i^ is tbis: 3A«< /J'^ ieUcrthatn'c\omso 1^^^ ^J^'go^.tbern soil, and ^^ * '^ 
?rrr>."^f.roTo"»''.aa ca..on,..,.a, peace. 





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